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Economic Inequality

Source www.paulgraham.com Glean’d 2026-07-07 16:42 Read 20 min
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Paul Graham argues that economic inequality is not a single phenomenon but has multiple causes. The common 'pie fallacy' conflates different types of wealth creation and wealth taking. He contends that inequality driven by productivity differences (e.g., successful startups) is beneficial and cannot be eliminated without stifling innovation and driving away talent. Instead of targeting inequality metrics, society should focus on concrete problems like poverty, lack of social mobility, and rent-seeking. This essay is relevant for readers interested in startup economics and policy.

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§ 1

Economic Inequality

经济不平等

§ 2

Since the 1970s, economic inequality in the US has increased dramatically. And in particular, the rich have gotten a lot richer. Nearly everyone who writes about the topic says that economic inequality should be decreased.

I'm interested in this question because I was one of the founders of a company called Y Combinator that helps people start startups. Almost by definition, if a startup succeeds, its founders become rich. Which means by helping startup founders I've been helping to increase economic inequality. If economic inequality should be decreased, I shouldn't be helping founders. No one should be.

But that doesn't sound right.

自1970年代以来,美国的经济不平等急剧加剧,尤其是富人变得富裕得多。几乎所有讨论这个话题的人都说,经济不平等应该被降低。

我对这个问题很感兴趣,因为我是一家帮助人们创办初创公司的公司Y Combinator的创始人之一。几乎按定义,如果一家初创公司成功,其创始人就会变得富有。这意味着通过帮助初创公司创始人,我一直在加剧经济不平等。如果经济不平等应该被降低,我就不应该帮助创始人。没有人应该这样做。

但这听起来不对。

§ 3

What's going on is that while economic inequality is a single measure (or more precisely, two: variation in income, and variation in wealth), it has multiple causes. Many of these causes are bad, like tax loopholes and drug addiction. But some are good, like Larry Page and Sergey Brin starting the company you use to find things online.

If you want to understand economic inequality — and more importantly, if you actually want to fix the bad aspects of it — you have to tease apart the components. And yet the trend in nearly everything written about the subject is to do the opposite: to squash together all the aspects of economic inequality as if it were a single phenomenon.

Sometimes this is done for ideological reasons. Sometimes it's because the writer only has very high-level data and so draws conclusions from that, like the proverbial drunk who looks for his keys under the lamppost, instead of where he dropped them, because the light is better there. Sometimes it's because the writer doesn't understand critical aspects of inequality, like the role of technology in wealth creation. Much of the time, perhaps most of the time, writing about economic inequality combines all three.

实际情况是,尽管经济不平等是一个单一的衡量指标(更准确地说,是两个:收入变异和财富变异),但它有多种成因。其中许多成因是坏的,比如税收漏洞和毒品成瘾。但有些是好的,比如拉里·佩奇和谢尔盖·布林创办了你用来在线查找东西的公司。

如果你想理解经济不平等——更重要的是,如果你真的想修复其坏的一面——你必须把各个组成部分拆分开来。然而,几乎所有关于这个主题的文章都倾向于相反的做法:将经济不平等的所有方面混为一谈,仿佛它是一个单一的现象。

有时这是出于意识形态原因。有时是因为作者只有非常宏观的数据,并据此得出结论,就像那个著名的醉汉在路灯下找钥匙,而不是在掉落的地方,因为那里光线更好。有时是因为作者不理解不平等的关键方面,比如技术在财富创造中的作用。很多时候,也许是大多数时候,关于经济不平等的写作都同时包含了这三种情况。

§ 4

The most common mistake people make about economic inequality is to treat it as a single phenomenon. The most naive version of which is the one based on the pie fallacy: that the rich get rich by taking money from the poor.

Usually this is an assumption people start from rather than a conclusion they arrive at by examining the evidence. Sometimes the pie fallacy is stated explicitly:

...those at the top are grabbing an increasing fraction of the nation's income — so much of a larger share that what's left over for the rest is diminished.... [1]

Other times it's more unconscious. But the unconscious form is very widespread. I think because we grow up in a world where the pie fallacy is actually true. To kids, wealth is a fixed pie that's shared out, and if one person gets more, it's at the expense of another. It takes a conscious effort to remind oneself that the real world doesn't work that way.

In the real world you can create wealth as well as taking it from others.

人们对经济不平等最常见的错误是将其视为单一现象。其中最天真的版本基于馅饼谬误:富人通过从穷人那里拿钱而变富。

通常,这是人们一开始就持有的假设,而不是通过检验证据得出的结论。有时馅饼谬误被明确表述出来:

“……顶层的人正在攫取国家收入中越来越大的份额——份额如此之大,以至于留给其他人的部分减少了……” [1]

其他时候则更无意识。但这种无意识的形式非常普遍。我想是因为我们在一个馅饼谬误实际上成立的世界中长大。对孩子们来说,财富是一个固定的饼在分配,如果一个人得到更多,那就以另一个人为代价。需要刻意提醒自己,现实世界并非如此。

在现实世界中,你既可以创造财富,也可以从他人那里夺取财富。

§ 5

A woodworker creates wealth. He makes a chair, and you willingly give him money in return for it. A high-frequency trader does not. He makes a dollar only when someone on the other end of a trade loses a dollar.

If the rich people in a society got that way by taking wealth from the poor, then you have the degenerate case of economic inequality, where the cause of poverty is the same as the cause of wealth. But instances of inequality don't have to be instances of the degenerate case. If one woodworker makes 5 chairs and another makes none, the second woodworker will have less money, but not because anyone took anything from him.

一个木匠创造财富。他做了一把椅子,你心甘情愿地付钱给他。一个高频交易员则不是。他只有在交易对手亏损一美元时才能赚到一美元。

如果社会中的富人通过从穷人那里夺取财富而变得富有,那么你就遇到了经济不平等的退化情况,即贫穷的原因与财富的原因相同。但不平等的情况不一定都是退化情况。如果一个木匠做了5把椅子,另一个一把都没做,第二个木匠的钱会少,但这并不是因为有人从他那里拿走了什么。

§ 6

Even people sophisticated enough to know about the pie fallacy are led toward it by the custom of describing economic inequality as a ratio of one quantile's income or wealth to another's. It's so easy to slip from talking about income shifting from one quantile to another, as a figure of speech, into believing that is literally what's happening.

Except in the degenerate case, economic inequality can't be described by a ratio or even a curve. In the general case it consists of multiple ways people become poor, and multiple ways people become rich. Which means to understand economic inequality in a country, you have to go find individual people who are poor or rich and figure out why.

即使是足够了解馅饼谬误的人,也会因为描述经济不平等时习惯用某个分位数的收入或财富与另一个分位数的比值,而被引向这个谬误。从把收入从一个分位数转移到另一个分位数当作一种修辞手法,到相信这真的在发生,这一步太容易滑过去了。

除了退化情况,经济不平等不能用比值甚至曲线来描述。在一般情况下,它由多种变穷的方式和多种变富的方式组成。这意味着要理解一个国家的经济不平等,你必须去找具体的穷人或富人,然后弄清楚原因。

§ 7

If you want to understand change in economic inequality, you should ask what those people would have done when it was different. This is one way I know the rich aren't all getting richer simply from some new system for transferring wealth to them from everyone else. When you use the would-have method with startup founders, you find what most would have done back in 1960, when economic inequality was lower, was to join big companies or become professors. Before Mark Zuckerberg started Facebook, his default expectation was that he'd end up working at Microsoft. The reason he and most other startup founders are richer than they would have been in the mid 20th century is not because of some right turn the country took during the Reagan administration, but because progress in technology has made it much easier to start a new company that grows fast.

如果你想理解经济不平等的变化,你应该问一问,如果时代不同,那些人本来会做什么。这是我得知富人并非全部仅仅通过某种从其他人那里转移财富的新系统而变得更富的一种方式。当你用“本会如何”方法询问初创公司创始人时,你会发现,在1960年经济不平等较低的时候,他们大多数人本会做的是加入大公司或成为教授。在马克·扎克伯格创办Facebook之前,他默认的预期是最终在微软工作。他和其他大多数初创公司创始人比20世纪中期他们本来会有的状况更富有的原因,不是国家在里根政府期间向右转,而是技术进步使得创办一家快速成长的初创公司变得容易得多。

§ 8

Traditional economists seem strangely averse to studying individual humans. It seems to be a rule with them that everything has to start with statistics. So they give you very precise numbers about variation in wealth and income, then follow it with the most naive speculation about the underlying causes.

传统经济学家似乎奇怪地厌恶研究具体的人。对他们来说,似乎有一条规则:一切都必须从统计数据开始。所以他们给你非常精确的关于财富和收入变异的数字,然后接着对根本原因进行最天真的推测。

§ 9

But while there are a lot of people who get rich through rent-seeking of various forms, and a lot who get rich by playing zero-sum games, there are also a significant number who get rich by creating wealth. And creating wealth, as a source of economic inequality, is different from taking it — not just morally, but also practically, in the sense that it is harder to eradicate. One reason is that variation in productivity is accelerating. The rate at which individuals can create wealth depends on the technology available to them, and that grows exponentially. The other reason creating wealth is such a tenacious source of inequality is that it can expand to accommodate a lot of people.

但是,尽管有很多人通过各种形式的寻租暴富,也有很多人通过玩零和游戏暴富,但也有相当多的人通过创造财富暴富。而创造财富作为经济不平等的一个来源,与夺取财富不同——不仅在道德上,而且在实践上,因为它更难根除。一个原因是生产力的变异正在加速。个人创造财富的速度取决于他们可用的技术,而技术是指数级增长的。创造财富之所以是不平等如此顽固的来源的另一个原因是,它可以扩大以容纳很多人。

§ 10

I'm all for shutting down the crooked ways to get rich. But that won't eliminate great variations in wealth, because as long as you leave open the option of getting rich by creating wealth, people who want to get rich will do that instead.

Most people who get rich tend to be fairly driven. Whatever their other flaws, laziness is usually not one of them. Suppose new policies make it hard to make a fortune in finance. Does it seem plausible that the people who currently go into finance to make their fortunes will continue to do so, but be content to work for ordinary salaries? The reason they go into finance is not because they love finance but because they want to get rich. If the only way left to get rich is to start startups, they'll start startups. They'll do well at it too, because determination is the main factor in the success of a startup.

And while it would probably be a good thing for the world if people who wanted to get rich switched from playing zero-sum games to creating wealth, that would not only not eliminate great variations in wealth, but might even exacerbate them. In a zero-sum game there is at least a limit to the upside. Plus a lot of the new startups would create new technology that further accelerated variation in productivity.

我完全支持关闭不诚实的致富途径。但这不会消除巨大的财富差距,因为只要你留下通过创造财富致富的选择,想致富的人就会转而采用这种方式。

大多数致富者往往相当有干劲。无论他们其他缺点如何,懒惰通常不是其中之一。假设新政策使得在金融界发大财变得困难。目前进入金融界追求财富的人会继续这样做,但满足于普通薪水,这合理吗?他们进入金融界不是因为热爱金融,而是因为想致富。如果剩下的唯一致富途径是创办初创公司,他们就会创办初创公司。他们也会做得很好,因为决心是初创公司成功的主要因素。

而且,虽然如果那些想致富的人从玩零和游戏转向创造财富,对世界来说可能是件好事,但这不仅不会消除巨大的财富差距,甚至可能加剧它。在零和游戏中,至少上行空间是有限的。此外,许多新的初创公司将创造新技术,进一步加速生产力的变异。

§ 11

Variation in productivity is far from the only source of economic inequality, but it is the irreducible core of it, in the sense that you'll have that left when you eliminate all other sources. And if you do, that core will be big, because it will have expanded to include the efforts of all the refugees. Plus it will have a large Baumol penumbra around it: anyone who could get rich by creating wealth on their own account will have to be paid enough to prevent them from doing it.

生产力的变异远不是经济不平等的唯一来源,但它是其中不可缩减的核心,因为当你消除所有其他来源时,你会剩下它。如果你这样做,这个核心会很大,因为它会扩张以包含所有“难民”的努力。此外,它周围会有一个巨大的鲍莫尔半影:任何能够通过自己创造财富而致富的人,都必须得到足够的报酬,以防止他们这样做。

§ 12

You can't prevent great variations in wealth without preventing people from getting rich, and you can't do that without preventing them from starting startups.

So let's be clear about that. Eliminating great variations in wealth would mean eliminating startups. And that doesn't seem a wise move. Especially since it would only mean you eliminated startups in your own country. Ambitious people already move halfway around the world to further their careers, and startups can operate from anywhere nowadays. So if you made it impossible to get rich by creating wealth in your country, people who wanted to do that would just leave and do it somewhere else. Which would certainly get you a lower Gini coefficient, along with a lesson in being careful what you ask for.

你无法在不阻止人们致富的情况下防止巨大的财富差距,也无法在不阻止他们创办初创公司的情况下做到这一点。

所以让我们明确这一点。消除巨大的财富差距将意味着消除初创公司。这似乎不是一个明智的举措。特别是因为它只会意味着你消除了自己国家的初创公司。有雄心壮志的人已经为了事业发展而跨越半个世界,而且如今初创公司可以在任何地方运营。所以,如果你让通过创造财富在你的国家致富成为不可能,那些想这样做的人就会离开,去别处做。这肯定会让你获得更低的基尼系数,同时也给你一个教训:小心你所求的。

§ 13

I think rising economic inequality is the inevitable fate of countries that don't choose something worse. We had a 40 year stretch in the middle of the 20th century that convinced some people otherwise. But as I explained in The Refragmentation, that was an anomaly — a unique combination of circumstances that compressed American society not just economically but culturally too. [5] And while some of the growth in economic inequality we've seen since then has been due to bad behavior of various kinds, there has simultaneously been a huge increase in individuals' ability to create wealth. Startups are almost entirely a product of this period. And even within the startup world, there has been a qualitative change in the last 10 years. Technology has decreased the cost of starting a startup so much that founders now have the upper hand over investors. Founders get less diluted, and it is now common for them to retain board control as well. Both further increase economic inequality, the former because founders own more stock, and the latter because, as investors have learned, founders tend to be better at running their companies than investors.

我认为,经济不平等不断加剧,是那些没有选择更糟命运的国家不可避免的命运。20世纪中叶我们有40年的时间让一些人相信并非如此。但正如我在《再碎片化》中所解释的,那是一个异常——一系列独特情况的结合,不仅在经济上,而且在文化上压缩了美国社会。[5] 尽管自那以来我们看到的经济不平等增长部分是由各种不良行为造成的,但同时个人创造财富的能力也有了巨大增长。初创公司几乎完全是这个时期的产物。即使是在初创公司世界内部,过去10年也发生了质的变化。技术大大降低了创办初创公司的成本,以至于创始人现在相对于投资者占据了上风。创始人的股权稀释更少,而且现在他们通常也保留董事会控制权。两者都进一步加剧了经济不平等,前者是因为创始人拥有更多股票,后者是因为——正如投资者所学到的——创始人往往比投资者更善于经营自己的公司。

§ 14

While the surface manifestations change, the underlying forces are very, very old. The acceleration of productivity we see in Silicon Valley has been happening for thousands of years. If you look at the history of stone tools, technology was already accelerating in the Mesolithic. The acceleration would have been too slow to perceive in one lifetime. Such is the nature of the leftmost part of an exponential curve. But it was the same curve.

尽管表面表现不断变化,但深层力量非常非常古老。我们在硅谷看到的生产力加速已经持续了数千年。如果你看看石器的历史,技术在中石器时代就已经在加速。这种加速在一个人的一生中慢到无法察觉。这就是指数曲线最左端的本质。但它是同一条曲线。

§ 15

You do not want to design your society in a way that's incompatible with this curve. The evolution of technology is one of the most powerful forces in history.

Louis Brandeis said "We may have democracy, or we may have wealth concentrated in the hands of a few, but we can't have both." That sounds plausible. But if I have to choose between ignoring him and ignoring an exponential curve that has been operating for thousands of years, I'll bet on the curve. Ignoring any trend that has been operating for thousands of years is dangerous. But exponential growth, especially, tends to bite you.

你不想以与这条曲线不相容的方式设计你的社会。技术的演变是历史上最强大的力量之一。

路易斯·布兰代斯说过:“我们可以有民主,或者我们可以有财富集中在少数人手中,但我们不能两者兼得。”这听起来很有道理。但如果我必须在忽略他和忽略一条已经运行了数千年的指数曲线之间做出选择,我会押注曲线。忽视任何已经运行了数千年的趋势都是危险的。但指数增长尤其会反噬你。

§ 16

If accelerating variation in productivity is always going to produce some baseline growth in economic inequality, it would be a good idea to spend some time thinking about that future. Can you have a healthy society with great variation in wealth? What would it look like?

Notice how novel it feels to think about that. The public conversation so far has been exclusively about the need to decrease economic inequality. We've barely given a thought to how to live with it.

I'm hopeful we'll be able to. Brandeis was a product of the Gilded Age, and things have changed since then. It's harder to hide wrongdoing now. And to get rich now you don't have to buy politicians the way railroad or oil magnates did. [6] The great concentrations of wealth I see around me in Silicon Valley don't seem to be destroying democracy.

如果生产力的加速变异总是会在经济不平等中产生一些基线增长,那么花些时间思考那个未来是个好主意。你能拥有一个健康的、同时存在巨大财富差距的社会吗?它会是什么样子?

注意,思考这一点感觉多么新颖。迄今为止,公众对话完全集中在降低经济不平等的必要性上。我们几乎没有想过如何与它共存。

我抱有希望,我们能够做到。布兰代斯是镀金时代的产物,自那以后情况发生了变化。现在隐藏不法行为更难了。而且现在致富不必像铁路或石油大亨那样收买政客。[6] 我在硅谷周围看到的巨大财富集中似乎并没有摧毁民主。

§ 17

There are lots of things wrong with the US that have economic inequality as a symptom. We should fix those things. In the process we may decrease economic inequality. But we can't start from the symptom and hope to fix the underlying causes.

The most obvious is poverty. I'm sure most of those who want to decrease economic inequality want to do it mainly to help the poor, not to hurt the rich. [8] Indeed, a good number are merely being sloppy by speaking of decreasing economic inequality when what they mean is decreasing poverty. But this is a situation where it would be good to be precise about what we want. Poverty and economic inequality are not identical. When the city is turning off your water because you can't pay the bill, it doesn't make any difference what Larry Page's net worth is compared to yours. He might only be a few times richer than you, and it would still be just as much of a problem that your water was getting turned off.

美国有很多问题以经济不平等为症状。我们应该修复这些问题。在这个过程中,我们可能会降低经济不平等。但我们不能从症状出发,希望能修复根本原因。

最明显的是贫困。我确信,大多数希望降低经济不平等的人,主要是为了帮助穷人,而不是伤害富人。[8] 事实上,有不少人只是表述不精确,把降低贫困说成了降低经济不平等。但这是一个我们最好精确表达我们想要什么的情况。贫困和经济不平等不是一码事。当城市因为你付不起账单而关掉你的水时,拉里·佩奇的净资产与你相比如何没有任何区别。他可能只比你富有几倍,但你的水被关掉仍然是一个同样严重的问题。

§ 18

Closely related to poverty is lack of social mobility. I've seen this myself: you don't have to grow up rich or even upper middle class to get rich as a startup founder, but few successful founders grew up desperately poor. But again, the problem here is not simply economic inequality. There is an enormous difference in wealth between the household Larry Page grew up in and that of a successful startup founder, but that didn't prevent him from joining their ranks. It's not economic inequality per se that's blocking social mobility, but some specific combination of things that go wrong when kids grow up sufficiently poor.

与贫困密切相关的是缺乏社会流动性。我自己也看到过:你不必出生富贵甚至中上阶层就能成为初创公司创始人而致富,但很少有成功的创始人是从极度贫困中长大的。但同样,这里的问题不仅仅是经济不平等。拉里·佩奇成长的家庭与一个成功的初创公司创始人之间存在着巨大的财富差距,但这并没有阻止他加入他们的行列。阻碍社会流动性的不是经济不平等本身,而是当孩子在足够贫穷的环境中长大时,一些特定的事情组合出了错。

§ 19

One of the most important principles in Silicon Valley is that "you make what you measure." It means that if you pick some number to focus on, it will tend to improve, but that you have to choose the right number, because only the one you choose will improve; another that seems conceptually adjacent might not. For example, if you're a university president and you decide to focus on graduation rates, then you'll improve graduation rates. But only graduation rates, not how much students learn. Students could learn less, if to improve graduation rates you made classes easier.

Economic inequality is sufficiently far from identical with the various problems that have it as a symptom that we'll probably only hit whichever of the two we aim at. If we aim at economic inequality, we won't fix these problems. So I say let's aim at the problems.

硅谷最重要的原则之一是“你测量什么就得到什么”。这意味着,如果你选择一个数字来关注,它往往会改善,但你必须选择正确的数字,因为只有你选择的那个数字会改善;另一个貌似概念相近的数字可能不会。例如,如果你是一所大学的校长,决定关注毕业率,那么你会提高毕业率。但只有毕业率,而不是学生学到了多少。为了提高毕业率而降低课程难度,学生可能学得更少。

经济不平等与各种以它为症状的问题相去甚远,以至于我们很可能只会击中我们瞄准的那个目标。如果我们瞄准经济不平等,我们不会解决这些问题。所以我说让我们瞄准问题本身。

§ 20

For example, let's attack poverty, and if necessary damage wealth in the process. That's much more likely to work than attacking wealth in the hope that you will thereby fix poverty. [9] And if there are people getting rich by tricking consumers or lobbying the government for anti-competitive regulations or tax loopholes, then let's stop them. Not because it's causing economic inequality, but because it's stealing. [10]

例如,让我们攻击贫困,如果在这个过程中损害了财富也在所不惜。这比攻击财富并希望由此解决贫困要有效得多。[9] 如果有人通过欺骗消费者或游说政府制定反竞争法规或税收漏洞而致富,那么让我们阻止他们。不是因为这导致了经济不平等,而是因为这是偷窃。[10]

§ 21

If all you have is statistics, it seems like that's what you need to fix. But behind a broad statistical measure like economic inequality there are some things that are good and some that are bad, some that are historical trends with immense momentum and others that are random accidents. If we want to fix the world behind the statistics, we have to understand it, and focus our efforts where they'll do the most good.

Notes

[1] Stiglitz, Joseph. The Price of Inequality. Norton, 2012. p. 32. [2] Particularly since economic inequality is a matter of outliers, and outliers are disproportionately likely to have gotten where they are by ways that have little do with the sort of things economists usually think about, like wages and productivity, but rather by, say, ending up on the wrong side of the "War on Drugs." [3] Determination is the most important factor in deciding between success and failure, which in startups tend to be sharply differentiated. But it takes more than determination to create one of the hugely successful startups. Though most founders start out excited about the idea of getting rich, purely mercenary founders will usually take one of the big acquisition offers most successful startups get on the way up. The founders who go on to the next stage tend to be driven by a sense of mission. They have the same attachment to their companies that an artist or writer has to their work. But it is very hard to predict at the outset which founders will do that. It's not simply a function of their initial attitude. Starting a company changes people. [4] After reading a draft of this essay, Richard Florida told me how he had once talked to a group of Europeans "who said they wanted to make Europe more entrepreneurial and more like Silicon Valley. I said by definition this will give you more inequality. They thought I was insane — they could not process it." [5] Economic inequality has been decreasing globally. But this is mainly due to the erosion of the kleptocracies that formerly dominated all the poorer countries. Once the playing field is leveler politically, we'll see economic inequality start to rise again. The US is the bellwether. The situation we face here, the rest of the world will sooner or later. [6] Some people still get rich by buying politicians. My point is that it's no longer a precondition. [7] As well as problems that have economic inequality as a symptom, there are those that have it as a cause. But in most if not all, economic inequality is not the primary cause. There is usually some injustice that is allowing economic inequality to turn into other forms of inequality, and that injustice is what we need to fix. For example, the police in the US treat the poor worse than the rich. But the solution is not to make people richer. It's to make the police treat people more equitably. Otherwise they'll continue to maltreat people who are weak in other ways. [8] Some who read this essay will say that I'm clueless or even being deliberately misleading by focusing so much on the richer end of economic inequality — that economic inequality is really about poverty. But that is exactly the point I'm making, though sloppier language than I'd use to make it. The real problem is poverty, not economic inequality. And if you conflate them you're aiming at the wrong target.Others will say I'm clueless or being misleading by focusing on people who get rich by creating wealth — that startups aren't the problem, but corrupt practices in finance, healthcare, and so on. Once again, that is exactly my point. The problem is not economic inequality, but those specific abuses.

It's a strange task to write an essay about why something isn't the problem, but that's the situation you find yourself in when so many people mistakenly think it is. [9] Particularly since many causes of poverty are only partially driven by people trying to make money from them. For example, America's abnormally high incarceration rate is a major cause of poverty. But although for-profit prison companies and prison guard unions both spend a lot lobbying for harsh sentencing laws, they are not the original source of them. [10] Incidentally, tax loopholes are definitely not a product of some power shift due to recent increases in economic inequality. The golden age of economic equality in the mid 20th century was also the golden age of tax avoidance. Indeed, it was so widespread and so effective that I'm skeptical whether economic inequality was really so low then as we think. In a period when people are trying to hide wealth from the government, it will tend to be hidden from statistics too. One sign of the potential magnitude of the problem is the discrepancy between government receipts as a percentage of GDP, which have remained more or less constant during the entire period from the end of World War II to the present, and tax rates, which have varied dramatically.

Thanks to Sam Altman, Tiffani Ashley Bell, Patrick Collison, Ron Conway, Richard Florida, Ben Horowitz, Jessica Livingston, Robert Morris, Tim O'Reilly, Max Roser, and Alexia Tsotsis for reading drafts of this.

Note: This is a new version from which I removed a pair of metaphors that made a lot of people mad, essentially by macroexpanding them. If anyone wants to see the old version, I put it here.

如果你只有统计数据,似乎那就是你需要修复的。但在像经济不平等这样宽泛的统计指标背后,有些东西是好的,有些是坏的,有些是具有巨大动力的历史趋势,有些是随机意外。如果我们想修复统计背后的世界,我们必须理解它,并将我们的努力集中在对的地方。

注释

[1] 斯蒂格利茨,约瑟夫。《不平等的代价》。诺顿出版社,2012年。第32页。 [2] 特别是因为经济不平等是一个关于异常值的问题,而异常值更有可能通过经济学家通常不考虑的事情(如工资和生产力)到达他们的位置,而是例如,成为“毒品战争”的受害者。 [3] 决心是决定成功与失败的最重要因素,而在初创公司中,成功与失败往往截然不同。但要创建一家非常成功的初创公司,仅靠决心是不够的。尽管大多数创始人一开始对致富的想法感到兴奋,但纯粹唯利是图的创始人通常会在成长过程中接受大多数成功初创公司获得的大收购要约。进入下一阶段的创始人往往受使命感的驱使。他们对自己的公司有着艺术家或作家对其作品一样的依恋。但很难一开始就预测哪些创始人会这样做。这不仅仅是他们初始态度的函数。创办公司会改变人。 [4] 读了这篇论文的草稿后,理查德·佛罗里达告诉我,他曾与一群欧洲人交谈,“他们说他们想让欧洲更具创业精神,更像硅谷。我说,根据定义,这将带来更多的不平等。他们认为我疯了——他们无法理解这一点。” [5] 经济不平等在全球范围内一直在下降。但这主要是由于以前统治所有较贫穷国家的盗贼统治的侵蚀。一旦政治竞争环境更加公平,我们将看到经济不平等再次上升。美国是领头羊。我们在这里面临的情况,世界其他地区迟早也会遇到。 [6] 有些人仍然通过收买政客致富。我的观点是,这不再是前提条件。 [7] 除了经济不平等作为症状的问题,还有一些问题以经济不平等为原因。但在大多数情况下,经济不平等并不是主要原因。通常存在某种不公正,使得经济不平等转化为其他形式的不平等,而我们需要修复的正是那种不公正。例如,美国警察对穷人的待遇比富人差。但解决方案不是让人们更富有,而是让警察更公平地对待所有人。否则他们会继续虐待其他方面弱小的人。 [8] 有些读到这篇文章的人会说,我过于关注经济不平等中较富的一端,是对此一无所知甚至故意误导——经济不平等实际上是关于贫困的。但这正是我要表达的观点,尽管语言比我通常会用的更粗糙。真正的问题是贫困,而不是经济不平等。如果你把它们混为一谈,你就瞄准了错误的目标。其他人会说,我过于关注通过创造财富致富的人,是对此一无所知或误导——初创公司不是问题,而是金融、医疗保健等领域的腐败行为。同样,这正是我的观点。问题不是经济不平等,而是那些具体的滥用行为。

写一篇关于为什么某事不是问题的文章,是一项奇怪的任务,但当那么多人错误地认为它是问题时,你就会处于这种境地。 [9] 特别是因为许多贫困原因只是部分由试图从中获利的人驱动。例如,美国异常高的监禁率是贫困的一个主要原因。尽管营利性监狱公司和监狱工会都花费大量资金游说制定严厉的量刑法,但它们并不是这些法律的原始来源。 [10] 顺便说一句,税收漏洞绝对不是由于最近经济不平等加剧导致的权力转移的产物。20世纪中叶经济平等的黄金时代也是避税的黄金时代。事实上,避税如此普遍和有效,以至于我怀疑当时的经济不平等是否真的像我们认为的那样低。在人们试图向政府隐藏财富的时期,财富也往往会对统计数据隐藏。问题潜在规模的一个迹象是政府收入占GDP的百分比与税率之间的差异。前者从二战结束至今基本保持不变,而后者则变化巨大。

感谢萨姆·奥尔特曼、蒂法尼·阿什利·贝尔、帕特里克·科里森、罗恩·康威、理查德·佛罗里达、本·霍洛维茨、杰西卡·利文斯顿、罗伯特·莫里斯、蒂姆·奥莱利、马克斯·罗瑟和亚历克西娅·佐西斯阅读本文草稿。

注意:这是一个新版本,我删除了两个惹恼了很多人的比喻,基本上是通过宏观扩展的方式。如果有人想看旧版本,我把它放在这里。

Open source ↗